Lesson 9 - Hitler's Rise to Power
Hitler's rise to power provides us with the model with which all authoritarian states are compared. For example, the clear distinction between the rise to power of the Nazis through the democratic elections which resulted in Hitler's appointment as Chancellor, is usefully contrasted with the consolidation of power (especially gleichschaltung) which occured after the Reichstag Fire. This turning point is not always as clear in other case studies.
Structure - Structural factors refer to the context that makes the rise to power of an authoritarian state more likely. As with all the most significant events in history, there is a tendency to require an explanation that goes to the roots of the problem. (cf. WWI) The problem with Hitler is that it is easy to get bogged down in the events of post-war Germany and the biographical psycho-history of Hitler's personality. But as Hitler's biographer Alun Bullock says 'Hitler may well have gone to his death as a bore in a bar' were it not for the socio-economic situation that made people willing to listen to the 'ideas of a crank' (see video below The fatal attraction of Adolf Hitler part 1). By 1924 Hitler's political career looked over and in the 1924 and 1928 elections the Nazi's made little impact with the voters. It was the onset of the depession from 1929 that changed everything.
Political factors
As in Italy in 1919, post-war Weimar Germany was a young model democracy devised from the pages of a politics text book. Students are often encouraged to identfy potential weaknesses in the fact the electoral system of proportional representation (PR) allowed smaller extremist political parties like the Nazis to have a national voice and that Article 48 of the constitution allowed the president to rule by decree without the consent of the Reichstag (parliament), but the reality is that the political system only really began to fail after the onset of the Depression in 1930 (see below). It is true that, just as in Italy, post-war Germany also shared many of the characteristics of what we now call a 'failed state'. From the aborted communist (Spartacist) revolution of January 1919, through the Kapp Putsch of March 1920 and culminating in the failed Nazi Beer-Hall Putsch in Munich November 1923, post-war Weimar democracy struggled to survive. But it did survive, depite 'weak' PR induced coalition governments and presidents Ebert and von Hindenburg both using infamous Article 48. Under the leadership of Gustav Stresseman and the 1920s economic boom, Weimer Germany in 1928 looked anything but a failed state. The important structural political causes are ultimately to be found in the lack of democratic traditions (see cultural factors below) that weakened the democratic institutions and in a rise in extremist parties after 1929 who were characterised by their rejection of democratic norms. The political crisis of the 1930s in which no Chancellor could command a majority in the Reichstag had nothing to do with the proportional electoral system but was simply a reflection of the fact that people stopped voting for democratic parties. If we are going to identify the most important political causes of Hitler's rise to power, they are to be found less in the underlying stuctural weaknesses of the constitution and more in the actions of the political elites in the period immediately before 1933 who helped Hitler into power. (see human agency below).
Political factors
As in Italy in 1919, post-war Weimar Germany was a young model democracy devised from the pages of a politics text book. Students are often encouraged to identfy potential weaknesses in the fact the electoral system of proportional representation (PR) allowed smaller extremist political parties like the Nazis to have a national voice and that Article 48 of the constitution allowed the president to rule by decree without the consent of the Reichstag (parliament), but the reality is that the political system only really began to fail after the onset of the Depression in 1930 (see below). It is true that, just as in Italy, post-war Germany also shared many of the characteristics of what we now call a 'failed state'. From the aborted communist (Spartacist) revolution of January 1919, through the Kapp Putsch of March 1920 and culminating in the failed Nazi Beer-Hall Putsch in Munich November 1923, post-war Weimar democracy struggled to survive. But it did survive, depite 'weak' PR induced coalition governments and presidents Ebert and von Hindenburg both using infamous Article 48. Under the leadership of Gustav Stresseman and the 1920s economic boom, Weimer Germany in 1928 looked anything but a failed state. The important structural political causes are ultimately to be found in the lack of democratic traditions (see cultural factors below) that weakened the democratic institutions and in a rise in extremist parties after 1929 who were characterised by their rejection of democratic norms. The political crisis of the 1930s in which no Chancellor could command a majority in the Reichstag had nothing to do with the proportional electoral system but was simply a reflection of the fact that people stopped voting for democratic parties. If we are going to identify the most important political causes of Hitler's rise to power, they are to be found less in the underlying stuctural weaknesses of the constitution and more in the actions of the political elites in the period immediately before 1933 who helped Hitler into power. (see human agency below).
Socio-economic factors
Social division is concerned with how divisions between groups of people in society make it difficult for the state to peacefully manage a community of competing interests. When the economy is weak, the social divisions are accentuated. Again, as we saw above with the politica factors, there is a tendency for students to take their explanations back to the post war period, the impact of the Teaty of Versailles and resulting hyperinflation crisis of 1923. Socio-economic factors are without doubt critical to the rise to power of the Nazis, but any analysis needs to focus on the impact of the Great Depression and not conflate it with the crisis of 1923. Germany was particularly badly hit by the global depression, because as we have seen, she was dangerously exposed to America loans that were provided (Dawes 1924, Young 1928) in order to enable Germany to pay First World War reparations. It was these votes that created the political crisis that Weimar Germany could not resolve. There is a direct correlation between rising unemployment in Weimar Germany after 1929 and an increase in the number of votes for anti-democratic parties.
Social division is concerned with how divisions between groups of people in society make it difficult for the state to peacefully manage a community of competing interests. When the economy is weak, the social divisions are accentuated. Again, as we saw above with the politica factors, there is a tendency for students to take their explanations back to the post war period, the impact of the Teaty of Versailles and resulting hyperinflation crisis of 1923. Socio-economic factors are without doubt critical to the rise to power of the Nazis, but any analysis needs to focus on the impact of the Great Depression and not conflate it with the crisis of 1923. Germany was particularly badly hit by the global depression, because as we have seen, she was dangerously exposed to America loans that were provided (Dawes 1924, Young 1928) in order to enable Germany to pay First World War reparations. It was these votes that created the political crisis that Weimar Germany could not resolve. There is a direct correlation between rising unemployment in Weimar Germany after 1929 and an increase in the number of votes for anti-democratic parties.
Cultural factors
The cultural climate of post-war Germany certainly favoured the rise to power of authoritarian government. The lack of a well-established ‘participant’ or democratic political culture meant that was little understanding of or support for the sort of liberal traditions and institutions to be found elsewhere in western Europe. The street fighting between political parties that had characterised the early post-war years of the Weimar Republic never completly disappeared in the 1920s. Nazis and Communists had paramilitary wings that engaged in ritual distruption and intimidation of rival meetings that meant that elections were never completely free or fair. Many of the ruling elite of politicians and civil servants, military and business leaders who had come to prominence during the time of the Emperor and the Second Reich also had little time for democracy and feared the rise of communism. In addition, the Weimar Republic's groundbreaking developments in various artistic and intellectual fields was accompanied by a social and sexual liberation which many found deeply unsettling. Nazism was able to draw on those sentiments of nostalgic nationalism and provide an ideological vision that combined these traditional conservative goals with a revolutionary vitalism, anti-leftism and the belief in a strong leader.
The cultural climate of post-war Germany certainly favoured the rise to power of authoritarian government. The lack of a well-established ‘participant’ or democratic political culture meant that was little understanding of or support for the sort of liberal traditions and institutions to be found elsewhere in western Europe. The street fighting between political parties that had characterised the early post-war years of the Weimar Republic never completly disappeared in the 1920s. Nazis and Communists had paramilitary wings that engaged in ritual distruption and intimidation of rival meetings that meant that elections were never completely free or fair. Many of the ruling elite of politicians and civil servants, military and business leaders who had come to prominence during the time of the Emperor and the Second Reich also had little time for democracy and feared the rise of communism. In addition, the Weimar Republic's groundbreaking developments in various artistic and intellectual fields was accompanied by a social and sexual liberation which many found deeply unsettling. Nazism was able to draw on those sentiments of nostalgic nationalism and provide an ideological vision that combined these traditional conservative goals with a revolutionary vitalism, anti-leftism and the belief in a strong leader.
The importance of the war
As in all countries, soldiers struggled to return to normalcy after the war; the economic crisis and high unemployment often denied them a purpose to life which the army had provided. Many were attracted to the paramilitary organisations and the violent camaraderie they provided. Hitler's brown shirted stormtroopers were an obvious attraction for many, as was their promise to undo the humiliation of the Versailles Treaty. When Hitler spoke about the need for a national revival, central to his plans were the foreign policy goals of regaining lost territories and reuniting German speaking peoples.
As in all countries, soldiers struggled to return to normalcy after the war; the economic crisis and high unemployment often denied them a purpose to life which the army had provided. Many were attracted to the paramilitary organisations and the violent camaraderie they provided. Hitler's brown shirted stormtroopers were an obvious attraction for many, as was their promise to undo the humiliation of the Versailles Treaty. When Hitler spoke about the need for a national revival, central to his plans were the foreign policy goals of regaining lost territories and reuniting German speaking peoples.
Human Agency
Structural factors can only provide a context into which historical actors are able to take decisions and make things happen. The structural factors which enabled Mussolini to March on Rome in 1922, did not guarantee that his actions would be successful. Indeed, even though the situation in post-war Italy and Germany was remarkably similar, the Communists, Freikorp and Nazis took it in turns to fail to bring down the Weimar state. Hitler did not come to power in 1933.
Lack of governing experience from Germany's political parties and fear of communism.
The organisational work done by the Nazi party to make itself a national force after the failure of the Munich Putsch in 1923.
There is little doubt that the willingness to use violence helped Mussolini intimidate his opponents and forced the liberal government into making concessions. He was also an astute politician. The largely mythical ‘March on Rome’ in 1922 was typical of how the threat of violence could force political change. The Italian PM Luigi Facta had persuaded the king to use the military to prevent Mussolini from assembling in Rome. When the king changed his mind, Facta resigned as Prime Minister and created the opportunity for Mussolini to be appointed. There was no ‘march on Rome’, Mussolini arrived by train to celebratory demonstrations by the fascist militia, having been appointed the day before.
Structural factors can only provide a context into which historical actors are able to take decisions and make things happen. The structural factors which enabled Mussolini to March on Rome in 1922, did not guarantee that his actions would be successful. Indeed, even though the situation in post-war Italy and Germany was remarkably similar, the Communists, Freikorp and Nazis took it in turns to fail to bring down the Weimar state. Hitler did not come to power in 1933.
Lack of governing experience from Germany's political parties and fear of communism.
The organisational work done by the Nazi party to make itself a national force after the failure of the Munich Putsch in 1923.
There is little doubt that the willingness to use violence helped Mussolini intimidate his opponents and forced the liberal government into making concessions. He was also an astute politician. The largely mythical ‘March on Rome’ in 1922 was typical of how the threat of violence could force political change. The Italian PM Luigi Facta had persuaded the king to use the military to prevent Mussolini from assembling in Rome. When the king changed his mind, Facta resigned as Prime Minister and created the opportunity for Mussolini to be appointed. There was no ‘march on Rome’, Mussolini arrived by train to celebratory demonstrations by the fascist militia, having been appointed the day before.
‘And, however much violence may be deplored, it is evident that we, in order to make our ideas understood, must beat refractory skulls with resounding blows ... We are violent because it is necessary to be so ...’
Mussolini to the fascists of Bologna, April 1921.
Mussolini had also been a journalist. It is worth remembering that the ideas of fascism and programmes of ‘national regeneration’ were well circulated and found a wide audience. Mussolini’s speeches and the propaganda that suggested he was the strong man who could save Italy from communism; he was the Duce and the subject of songs even before the seizure of power.
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In the end he came to power because he was widely supported, particularly by those that really mattered in Italian society. Bankers, industrialists and the agrari funded the fascist movement. The political elites ignored the violence of the fascist action squads and even provided transport to enable fascists to break up left-wing meetings. But the appeal of the fascist policies was genuinely widespread. The membership of the Fascist party grew to over 200,000 by the end of 1922. The programme was sufficiently vague to mean different things to a wide range of people: the nationalism, the anti-communism, the promise of order on the streets and economic revival spoke equally to shop keepers, bank clerks and small farmers. For many in 1922, Fascism was the future.
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Activity
Prepare an essay plan in answer to the question ‘how important was the First World War to the rise to power of fascism in Italy?' On why war is important to the the rise of authoritarian states in general see my relevant film below. |
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Extension (essential for IB students.)
After Lenin's Russia and Mussolini's Italy this your third case study on the rise of an authoritarian state. As IB students you need to start looking out for similarities and differences between the these examples. The approach of structure and agency I have used here is developed in more detail on these IB pages. I have also made three films to explain the key concepts (below).
After Lenin's Russia and Mussolini's Italy this your third case study on the rise of an authoritarian state. As IB students you need to start looking out for similarities and differences between the these examples. The approach of structure and agency I have used here is developed in more detail on these IB pages. I have also made three films to explain the key concepts (below).
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Structural factors - PESC
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Structural factors - War
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The role of agency.
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