Lesson 8 - The German Empire before the First World War
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The syllabus is unusually creative for this final part of Matu 5, it states 'situer la constitution et l’histoire de l’empire allemand comme "démocratie avec un grand point d’interrogation"; expliquer le système des alliances de Bismarck et les débuts de l’Etat social allemand. '
The German Empire, a democracy? This question mark is not big enough... 
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Why study Germany and not any other European country at this time? I can think of four reasons. Firstly, much of what happens in Germany at this time also happens elsewhere and Germany is as good an example as anywhere. Secondly, Germany is the most powerful European power economically and militarily before the First World War. Thirdly, Bismarck was an exceptional statesman and diplomat. And finally, Germany plays a significant role in causing the First World War and what happens in Germany before 1914 helps us to understand why.
The constitution.
The German Empire was an extension of the North German Confederation. Eighteen states, four kingdoms as well as the free cities of Hamburg, Bremen, and Lübeck were brought together in a federal structure. Alsace-Lorraine was administered as a separate territory. The German Empire’s constitution included democratic elements, but real power remained concentrated in the hands of the Emperor, the Chancellor, and Prussia.
The German Empire was an extension of the North German Confederation. Eighteen states, four kingdoms as well as the free cities of Hamburg, Bremen, and Lübeck were brought together in a federal structure. Alsace-Lorraine was administered as a separate territory. The German Empire’s constitution included democratic elements, but real power remained concentrated in the hands of the Emperor, the Chancellor, and Prussia.
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The Emperor controlled the army, foreign policy, and the appointment or dismissal of the Chancellor, and could dissolve the Reichstag whenever he wished. The Chancellor, responsible only to the Emperor, effectively directed government policy without needing the confidence of the elected assembly. The legislature had limited influence. The Reichstag, elected by universal male suffrage, could debate legislation and approve the budget, but lacked the power to remove the Chancellor. The Bundesrat, the upper house representing the states, had far greater authority and could block legislation. Prussia held 17 of its 58 seats, giving it a dominant position and effective veto over major decisions.
In theory the Empire was a constitutional monarchy, but in practice the overwhelming power of the Emperor, the Chancellor, and Prussia meant that democracy operated under strict executive control—a system accurately described as a “democracy with a very large question mark.” |
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1871-1878: Bismarck, Liberals and Kulturkampf
Throughout the early 1870s the National Liberal Party was the strongest force in the Reichstag, and Bismarck chose to work with them—not out of ideological sympathy, but because cooperation suited his political aims. Both sides supported a more centralised and unified state, though for different reasons. The liberals saw national institutions, a single currency, unified legal codes, and free trade as essential features of a modern industrial society. For Bismarck, centralisation strengthened the new Empire and reinforced Prussian authority.
One area where their interests overlapped was the desire to weaken the political influence of the Catholic Church. The Empire contained a large Catholic minority, especially in the southern states, and they were well organised through the Centre Party, which quickly became a powerful voice in the Reichstag. Liberals opposed the Church on ideological grounds, seeing Church authority as an obstacle to individual liberty. Bismarck’s motives were more strategic. In his view, Catholics needed to prove their loyalty to the new German state and to the Crown, not to Rome.
Throughout the early 1870s the National Liberal Party was the strongest force in the Reichstag, and Bismarck chose to work with them—not out of ideological sympathy, but because cooperation suited his political aims. Both sides supported a more centralised and unified state, though for different reasons. The liberals saw national institutions, a single currency, unified legal codes, and free trade as essential features of a modern industrial society. For Bismarck, centralisation strengthened the new Empire and reinforced Prussian authority.
One area where their interests overlapped was the desire to weaken the political influence of the Catholic Church. The Empire contained a large Catholic minority, especially in the southern states, and they were well organised through the Centre Party, which quickly became a powerful voice in the Reichstag. Liberals opposed the Church on ideological grounds, seeing Church authority as an obstacle to individual liberty. Bismarck’s motives were more strategic. In his view, Catholics needed to prove their loyalty to the new German state and to the Crown, not to Rome.
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The situation sharpened in 1870 when Pope Pius IX proclaimed the doctrine of Papal Infallibility. To Bismarck, this seemed to demand unconditional obedience from Catholics to an external authority, potentially undermining national unity. In a typically Realpolitik response, Bismarck launched a legislative confrontation known as the Kulturkampf—a “cultural struggle” between Church and state. Schools were placed under state supervision, and the Jesuits were expelled from Germany.
When the Vatican instructed Catholics not to comply with these new laws, Bismarck escalated the conflict by outlawing many monastic orders and arresting priests who refused to accept state authority. His aim was not religious reform but political control: to weaken a potential rival source of loyalty and ensure that no group within the Empire could challenge the authority of Prussia or the Crown. |
Zwischen Berlin und Rom (“Between Berlin and Rome”). Kladderadatsch, Berlin, 1875.
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1878-1890: Bismarck and the Centre (Catholic) Party v the socialists (SPD)
By 1878 the political landscape in Germany had shifted. The Kulturkampf had failed to weaken Catholic influence, and the Centre Party continued to grow stronger at the polls. At the same time, a global economic downturn and an influx of cheap British and American goods pushed German industrialists away from free trade and towards protectionism. The Centre Party supported tariffs, and Bismarck recognised an opportunity: cooperation with the Catholics—his former enemies—could now strengthen his political position. This was a classic example of Bismarck’s Realpolitik. The Kulturkampf was abandoned not because he had changed his mind about the Church, but because a more urgent threat had appeared: socialism. The rapid growth of the working-class movement, inspired by Marxist ideas and organised through the Social Democratic Party (SPD), alarmed conservative elites across Europe. For Bismarck, socialism posed a far greater danger to the stability of the Empire than Catholicism ever had.
By 1878 the political landscape in Germany had shifted. The Kulturkampf had failed to weaken Catholic influence, and the Centre Party continued to grow stronger at the polls. At the same time, a global economic downturn and an influx of cheap British and American goods pushed German industrialists away from free trade and towards protectionism. The Centre Party supported tariffs, and Bismarck recognised an opportunity: cooperation with the Catholics—his former enemies—could now strengthen his political position. This was a classic example of Bismarck’s Realpolitik. The Kulturkampf was abandoned not because he had changed his mind about the Church, but because a more urgent threat had appeared: socialism. The rapid growth of the working-class movement, inspired by Marxist ideas and organised through the Social Democratic Party (SPD), alarmed conservative elites across Europe. For Bismarck, socialism posed a far greater danger to the stability of the Empire than Catholicism ever had.
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Two failed assassination attempts on Kaiser Wilhelm I in 1878 provided Bismarck with the pretext he needed. Although the SPD had no connection to the attacks, Bismarck used the public outrage to push through a series of Anti-Socialist Laws. Socialist newspapers were banned, political meetings were outlawed, and party organisers were targeted by the police. These laws were repeatedly renewed until 1890 and significantly limited socialist activity.
Yet Bismarck understood that repression alone would not stop socialism. In a characteristically strategic move, he paired persecution with social reform, hoping to draw workers away from revolutionary politics. During the 1880s, Germany introduced the world’s first state welfare measures: old-age pensions, medical insurance, and accident insurance. These were not acts of generosity but tools of control—an attempt to bind workers’ loyalty to the state rather than to the socialist movement. Consider the meaning of the cartoon opposite. His campaign against socialism was another demonstration of his Machiavellian approach: suppress opponents harshly, steal their most attractive ideas, and make the state, not the revolution, the provider of security. |
"The Socialist Jack in the Box" by John Tenniel, Punch (September 1878)
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Bismarck’s Foreign Policy, 1871–1890
After completing German unification in 1871, Bismarck turned to securing the new Empire’s position in Europe. His main objective was simple: avoid any conflict that might threaten Germany’s existence, especially a French attempt to recover Alsace-Lorraine. Everything else in his foreign policy followed from that central goal. In classic Realpolitik fashion, Bismarck did not seek friends, only useful arrangements that prevented Germany from facing a hostile coalition. 1. Keeping France Isolated France was the only power certain to want revenge for 1871. Bismarck’s priority was to ensure France had no allies. To achieve this, he worked to maintain good relations with the other major powers, (Russia, Austria-Hungary, and, where possible, Britain) so that none of them would be tempted to side with Paris. 2. The Three Emperors’ League (1873) Bismarck’s first major diplomatic move was to bring the conservative monarchs of Germany, Russia, and Austria-Hungary into a loose understanding known as the Three Emperors’ League. The agreement was deliberately vague but it served its purpose by tying Russia and Austria to Germany and further isolating France. The League also reflected Bismarck’s distrust of liberal and nationalist movements: uniting three conservative rulers suited his worldview. |
The Three Emperors or the Ventriloquist of Varzin!" by John Tenniel, Punch, (September 1884)
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3. Preventing an Austrian–Russian Rivalry
The biggest danger to German security came from tensions between Russia and Austria-Hungary in the Balkans as the Ottoman Empire declined. To Bismarck, the Balkans were “not worth the bones of a single Pomeranian grenadier,” but a war between Russia and Austria would force Germany to choose sides and destroy the diplomatic balance he had built. When Russia defeated the Ottomans in 1877–78, Bismarck stepped in and hosted the Congress of Berlin (1878) which amonst other things created an independent Serbia (Matu 7). Acting as a self-declared 'honest broker,' he adjusted the peace terms to prevent Russian dominance in the Balkans, infuriating Russia, but preserving European stability. His goal was not fairness but preventing a crisis that might drag Germany into conflict.
4. The Alliance System
After the Congress of Berlin, relations between Russia and Austria worsened, so Bismarck constructed a more intricate set of agreements to keep the peace and keep France isolated: Dual Alliance (1879): A firm military alliance with Austria-Hungary, Germany’s most reliable partner. Three Emperors’ Agreement (1881): A second attempt at cooperation among Germany, Russia, and Austria. Reinsurance Treaty (1887): A secret promise that Germany and Russia would remain neutral if either was attacked by a third power (except if Germany attacked France or Russia attacked Austria). This web of alliances was pure Realpolitik: flexible, shifting, and based on cold calculation rather than trust or ideology.
5. Limited Interest in Colonial Expansion
Unlike Britain and France, Bismarck had little enthusiasm for overseas colonies, fearing they would create unnecessary conflicts. However, when pressure from German colonial lobby groups grew, he hosted the Berlin Conference (1884–85) to regulate the “Scramble for Africa.” His motive was not empire-building but maintaining peace between the European states. (Matu 6)
The biggest danger to German security came from tensions between Russia and Austria-Hungary in the Balkans as the Ottoman Empire declined. To Bismarck, the Balkans were “not worth the bones of a single Pomeranian grenadier,” but a war between Russia and Austria would force Germany to choose sides and destroy the diplomatic balance he had built. When Russia defeated the Ottomans in 1877–78, Bismarck stepped in and hosted the Congress of Berlin (1878) which amonst other things created an independent Serbia (Matu 7). Acting as a self-declared 'honest broker,' he adjusted the peace terms to prevent Russian dominance in the Balkans, infuriating Russia, but preserving European stability. His goal was not fairness but preventing a crisis that might drag Germany into conflict.
4. The Alliance System
After the Congress of Berlin, relations between Russia and Austria worsened, so Bismarck constructed a more intricate set of agreements to keep the peace and keep France isolated: Dual Alliance (1879): A firm military alliance with Austria-Hungary, Germany’s most reliable partner. Three Emperors’ Agreement (1881): A second attempt at cooperation among Germany, Russia, and Austria. Reinsurance Treaty (1887): A secret promise that Germany and Russia would remain neutral if either was attacked by a third power (except if Germany attacked France or Russia attacked Austria). This web of alliances was pure Realpolitik: flexible, shifting, and based on cold calculation rather than trust or ideology.
5. Limited Interest in Colonial Expansion
Unlike Britain and France, Bismarck had little enthusiasm for overseas colonies, fearing they would create unnecessary conflicts. However, when pressure from German colonial lobby groups grew, he hosted the Berlin Conference (1884–85) to regulate the “Scramble for Africa.” His motive was not empire-building but maintaining peace between the European states. (Matu 6)
Conclusion: Bismarck as the ‘Ventriloquist of Varzin’
Bismarck’s foreign policy was a masterclass in diplomatic manipulation. By balancing rival powers, signing overlapping treaties, and keeping France isolated, he preserved peace in Europe for nearly two decades. The famous Punch cartoon showing him as a ventriloquist controlling emperors was not far from the truth: Bismarck sought to keep every major power talking to Berlin—and none talking to Paris. (Matu 7)
Bismarck’s foreign policy was a masterclass in diplomatic manipulation. By balancing rival powers, signing overlapping treaties, and keeping France isolated, he preserved peace in Europe for nearly two decades. The famous Punch cartoon showing him as a ventriloquist controlling emperors was not far from the truth: Bismarck sought to keep every major power talking to Berlin—and none talking to Paris. (Matu 7)
March 1888, Kaiser Wilhelm died. He was briefly succeeded by his son Friedrich III who also died within the year. This left the throne to 29-year-old Wilhelm II. Kaiser Wilhelm II and Bismarck soon disagreed on both domestic and foreign policy. The Kaiser opposed Bismarck's careful foreign policy, wishing instead to enlarge Germany's empire or "place in the sun". A series of disputes over domestic policy finally led to Bismarck's resignation in March 1890.
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Activities
1. How democratic was the German constitution of 1871? 2. Explain why and how in the period 1871-1878 Bismarck conducted a Kulturkampf . 3. Explain how in the period 1878-1890 Bismarck sought to control the socialists. 4. Explain the role of the following in the diplomatic plans of Bismarck: a) The Three Emperors League 1873, b) The Congress of Berlin 1878 c) The Treaty of Berlin 1884-5. |
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Finally, it is time to play Top Trumps.
Extension.
Below is the satirical map titled "L'Europa Geografico-Politica Veduta a Volo d'Oca", you saw at the start of the unit. It was published in Italy in 1871, at the time of immense political upheaval across Europe - in the wake of Italian unification, the Franco-Prussian War, and the collapse of Napoleon III’s Second Empire. Hopefully, now it means more to you than it did at the very beginning of this unit! (see high quality version from the Risorgimento Museum in Turin)
Check your understanding (translations of key texts and answers below)
Check your understanding (translations of key texts and answers below)
- Italy - What message does the map convey about Italy's national identity in 1871 and why is Rome significant in 1871?
- Germany - How is Germany (or Prussia) depicted in the map, and what does this suggest about its recent role in European affairs?
- Poland - How is Poland portrayed, and what message does the map communicate about its political status in 1871?
- France - What is France’s physical condition in the map, and what does this reveal about its status following the Franco-Prussian War?
- Britain - How is Britain shown, and what is it doing in the map?
- Austria - What is Austria concerned with, what is she focused on?
- Russia - How is Russia personified in the caricature?
- Switzerland - What is Switzerland doing in the cartoon, and how is its neutrality reflected?
Selected translations of panel text
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22. Italy
Our Italy! The sacred heir of the Caesars -- Though long trampled, she rises glorious. With Rome reclaimed, her destiny fulfilled, She writes: “Italy is one and indivisible.” The pen is mightier than the sword. 7. Prussia / The German Empire A proverb says: “Nothing is done by chance.” Providence sticks its nose in everywhere. To satisfy some royal ambition, Human charity is silenced. The slaughter of people doesn’t matter -- Providence foots the bill. It sucks blood and turns it to gold -- Providence earns the laurels. The humble defeated are mocked, While the strong impose laws on fools. But beware: you can no longer assassinate Without blaming Providence! 8. Poland Bound in chains at the feet of her tyrants, No longer honoured as a nation... She cannot rebel, cannot redeem herself. Her back is made for the whip. 13. France From the corpse of the oil-monster now lying dead, Those who defeated him make a footstool. They are puppets — small monsters For republican children to play with. And that honest little man, though he grows old, Still whispers corruption in his ear. The old liberty was a hindrance; Now they stamp out a new one. For paternal rights under the tricolour, There is now a freedom that strokes the tail, And teaches libertines that The longest tail is the prettiest. Freedom, which lets them wear unwashed underwear, Stamps silently; knows nothing, says nothing -- Not realising that in the land of the whip, Even the tail must be well-groomed. |
5. Great Britain
England, majestic in civilisation, Preaches usefulness with rodent theory. Showing that, in this age, One is civilised if they have a good face and strong teeth. She pretends and deceives other nations -- Long live civilisation! Long live the English! 17. Austria Of so much honour, of past glories -- Should only scraps now remain? Ah, cruel world! Goodwill does not endure, And the fruit of the throne ripens. Hungarians and Croats cause chaos, And though Austria tries to keep them underfoot, The throne dissolves amid the noise. Oh deceptive world! Oh scoundrel world! 11. Russia Let the world fall and be destroyed -- The Tsar will eat it all. Iron, fire, teeth, claws -- Let not a span of it remain! He gazes grimly all around… Oh, what horror, what catastrophe! But to disguise this destruction, He pretends to offer a constitution, To show that the cannibal Has a heart in his oesophagus. He knows that malice Can parade as justice. Even Lapland beasts Now think themselves liberals. Long live the one who sees it all! Long live the madman who believes him! 16. Switzerland You too rise to tangle questions -- Judge of treaties and nations! But remember: this land Is always a battlefield for swindlers at war. |
Answers to discussion questions
... to what extent are these national stereotypes still common?
- Italy is personified as a proud woman placing a scroll marked “CAPITALE” into the mouth of a chained Roman she-wolf, symbolising Rome’s final incorporation as the capital of Italy in 1871. The overturned chair beside her likely represents the fall of papal rule or the upending of old authority, particularly the collapse of the Papal States. A clergyman from the Vatican lies thrown back in defeat.
- Germany is depicted as the Kaiser seated on a cannon, representing military power and recent unification. This reflects its dominant role in Europe following victory in the Franco-Prussian War and the creation of the German Empire in 1871.
- Poland is shown as a chained, sorrowful, silent figure, indicating that it remained partitioned and stateless, under the control of Russia, Prussia, and Austria, with no independence in 1871.
- France appears as a three headed monster, wounded and defeated, lying on the ground. This reflects its loss to Germany in the Franco-Prussian War, including the humiliation of losing Alsace-Lorraine.
- Britain is shown sitting on bundles of products for export (cloth), looking away from the continent making money and from “Iron and cotton at low price” and exploiting India (chewing the bone) while claiming to offer “cheap liberty.” The panel mocks Britain’s so-called civilisation, showing it profiting from empire and deceiving other nations under the guise of morality.
- Austria is shown seated on a golden pear, a satirical symbol of fragile, overripe power. Around, nationalist groups struggle or suffer, mocking the Austro-Hungarian Empire’s crumbling authority and empty gestures of reform (constitution sign).
- Russia is personified as a large, menacing figure with a knife, symbolising its perceived aggression, autocracy, and the threat it posed to the rest of Europe.
- Switzerland is portrayed as a suspicious, cloistered figure hiding behind its mountainous defences — a visual metaphor for its famed neutrality. But the text satirically undermines this image, accusing Switzerland of meddling in diplomacy and serving as a haven for schemers and intrigue. The cartoon mocks Switzerland’s self-image as impartial, suggesting it is both protected and complicit in Europe’s political games.
... to what extent are these national stereotypes still common?